Saturday, August 13, 2011

Pay No Attention to That Radical Ideologue Behind the Curtain


For months the big headlines were about the impasse in Congress created by the Tea Party over raising the debt ceiling for this country. While not thoroughly routine, raising the debt ceiling has been performed dozens of times by Congress with little fanfare. Congress raised the debt ceiling, the story was placed in papers below the fold, and not much was made of the event.
            The Tea Party radically changed this. They turned the event into a crisis. And they did so purposely. By holding the government hostage, this band of right wing ideologues succeeded in the ultimate political blackmail. No compromises were made with Democrats, who favored closing tax loopholes and raising some taxes. In the “deal,” cuts were made to government spending, with no increase to revenue.
            The term brinksmanship was used on occasion to describe the wrangling in Washington, but brinksmanship describes a situation in which all sides have a great deal to lose in pushing a very hard bargain. That is not the case here. As a default may have brought about a financial crisis—forcing ever-greater cuts to government spending, including the programs of Social Security, Medicare, and environmental protections, which is the primary goal of the Tea Party—many of the Tea Party wanted to see a government default.
By being the hostage takers, the Tea Party were able to control the agenda and achieve a great deal of what they wanted, but they may not have been fully successful in controlling the larger debate on debt, taxes and spending. A majority of Americans believe that raising taxes on the rich is necessary to close the gap on the deficit, and most Americans continue to support SSI, Medicare, and governmental environmental programs.
But the Tea Party was quite successful in perhaps another way. It is a common dictum that in any debate, those who are allowed to define the terms of the debate win the debate. What needs to be added to this truism is that by creating a debate, by forcing your opponent to debate you on a subject of your choosing, other matters are left by the mental wayside.
We commonly accept distractions in our entertainments. Magicians know that their craft of illusion is about hiding cards up sleeves and unseen wires pulling at trap doors. But their craft of the sleight of hand is also about distraction. The flourishing hand, the pretty assistant in an outfit that reveals a lot of skin, draw our eyes away from the magician’s manipulation of reality, giving us a surprise when we see the rabbit pop out of a hat or a bouquet of flowers appearing out of thin air.
As a fabricated crisis, the debt ceiling issue served as a similar distraction. While the Tea Party ensured that our attention was grabbed by headlines of John Boehner walking out of a meeting with the President and news anchors counting down the days till our impending default, other issues, important issues that should be at the fore of our public discussions, were pushed from news sites and left out of the public consciousness.
Many thousands of us remain unemployed, yet during the debt ceiling crisis news of the unemployed amounted to no more than the evening news giving us latest percentages of those out of work or the number of new unemployment claims. Unlike the debt ceiling, global warming presents a real and pending crisis, requiring that we act now to reduce the emissions of greenhouse gasses. This issue was drowned out like so many polar bears amid the din of the debt crisis. The debt crisis was a weapon of mass distraction, with the Tea Party’s desired collateral damage to our public discourse. Expect more of these thrill-a-minute sideshows from the far right of the GOP and expect some version of “Pay no attention to the man behind the curtain,” whenever the public tries to steer our discourse back to important matters.

Monday, August 1, 2011

Laying the Rhetorical Groundwork


As I alluded to in my last post, the effort to push environmentalism into a political corner starts in 1980, with the presidential campaign of Ronald Reagan. In 1970 he had signed into law the California Environmental Quality Act (CEQA), an outstanding environmental achievement. Reagan’s appointments to environmental positions as governor, however, were disappointing.[1] Reagan’s environmental record as governor of California was hence something of a mixed bag and, on the face of it, would not have pegged him as an anti-environmentalist.
            Things had changed quite a bit by the time he was running for president in 1980, with the differences between him and Carter, as far as the environment was concerned, being quite stark. Carter wanted increased environmental safeguards, such as protecting barrier islands from development, and spoke of  “a strong defense of environmental protection legislation in the face of growing pressure to dismantle a decade of environmental progress.”[2] On the other hand, Reagan’s aides told him that American factories had been shut down due to environmental laws.[3] This became a theme of his campaign.[4] In a fox guarding the henhouse scenario, Reagan called for the coal and steel industries to help rewrite the Clean Air Act and promised to appoint to the EPA people “who understand the problems of the coal industry.”[5]
To bolster his argument, Reagan cast environmental regulators as being out of the mainstream. He said of the EPA, “I want clean air and water. But I think we’re in the hands of what I call some environmental extremists.” He used this term again when defending his choice of James Watt to be Interior Secretary. At the time, Watt was a lawyer working to open up more federal wilderness land to mining and oil drilling. He said, "I think he's an environmentalist himself, as I think I am. He is fighting environmental extremists."[6]
Describing someone who worked to allow for the industrial exploitation of federally protected wilderness as an environmentalist is a head spinning “ignorance is strength” Orwellianism, but in his political calculation, with the hostages in Iran and other issues grabbing the big headlines, Reagan knew that this mental sleight of hand would not receive much scrutiny. The same holds true for his description of EPA regulators as extremists. He nonetheless added this rhetoric to the discourse and began the process of politically isolating and weakening the movement to better our air, water, and land.
The rhetor who helped get us in this fix




[1] Kamieniecki, Sheldon, Robert O’Brien, Michael Clarke. Controversies in Environmental Policy. New York: State University of New York Press. 1986. Print p 284
[2] Crutsinger, Martin. “Carter, Reagan Differ Widely on Environmental Policies.” Freelance Star 25 Oct. 1980
[3] Kamieniecki et al
[4] Crutsinger
[5] ibid
[6] Warner, Edwin, Douglas Brew, Don Sider. “Reagan Sticks With Haig.” Time 29 Dec. 1980.